Bowling Online, Not Alone: Online Social Capital and Political Participation in Singapore

Since gaining independence in 1965, the Singapore government has relentlessly pursued economic growth and prosperity, while at the same time exercising tight political controls, which has largely eroded traditional political participation among the citizens (George, 2003; Rodan, 1998). In the economic domain, Singapore’s performance has indeed been very impressive; the country was recently ranked as the second in the world regarding the Global Potential Competitiveness and rated as the Most Competitive Asian Economy, among numerous other accolades (Economic Development Board, 2007). At the same time, its democratic record has been less than stellar, earning Singapore a ‘‘partly free’’ rating in the Freedom in the World report (Freedom House, 2007) and a ‘‘noticeable problems’’ label regarding the state of media freedoms (Reporters Without Borders, 2007). Not surprisingly, several studies and reports have indicated high levels of political apathy in Singaporeans (e.g. Chan & Wong, 2001; Veloo, 2002; Yap, 2000). However, since Singapore has universal suffrage and all citizens over 21 are required to vote by law, this apathy has not been reflected in the election turnout rates. In recent years, researchers have suggested that the Internet may play an important role in reviving and rejuvenating civic and political participation in Singapore (George & Yee, 2007; Kluver & Soon, 2004; Tan, 2003; Yeo, 2003). Given Singapore’s estimated 90 percent literacy rate for above 15-year olds (U.S. Department of State, 2007) and highly developed information infrastructure with 99% connectivity (IDA, 2007), it can be argued that its populace is in a good position to take advantage of the new forms of social connectivity. Singapore’s